Hedy's folly The life and breakthrough inventions of Hedy Lamarr, the most beautiful woman in the world

Richard Rhodes, 1937-

Book - 2011

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BIOGRAPHY/Lamarr, Hedy
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Subjects
Published
New York : Doubleday [2011]
Language
English
Main Author
Richard Rhodes, 1937- (-)
Edition
First edition
Physical Description
ix, 261 pages, 8 unnumbered pages of plates : illustrations ; 22 cm
Bibliography
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN
9780385534383
  • Introduction
  • 1. A Charming Austrian Girl
  • 2. Bad Boy of Music
  • 3. Mechanisms
  • 4. Between Times
  • 5. Leaving Fritz
  • 6. Cinemogling
  • 7. Frequency Hopping
  • 8. Flashes of Genius
  • 9. Red-Hot Apparatus
  • 10. O Pioneers!
  • Afterword
  • Acknowledgments
  • Notes
  • References
  • Illustration Credits
  • Index
Review by Choice Review

Hedy Lamarr (1913-2000) is probably the only Hollywood star who had a drafting table in her home and a dedicated work space to concentrate on her inventions. Her unusual collaboration with composer George Antheil during WW II, when she conceived of a weapon that could attack German submarines that were devastating Allied shipping, has received the full attention of biographers Ruth Barton (Hedy Lamarr: The Most Beautiful Woman in Film, CH, May'11, 48-4974) and Stephen Michael Shearer (Beautiful: The Life of Hedy Lamarr, 2010), both of whom Rhodes cites in his notes. As all three writers note, Lamarr's invention of a wireless technology makes her one of the progenitors of the contemporary world. What Rhodes's compact study adds to scholarship about Lamarr is not clear. Certainly, he is far less interested than are his predecessors in Lamarr's film career, or even in whether she could act. He whisks her off the screen with unseemly haste, even when he is discussing her defining role in Algiers (1938), and instead quotes hyperbolic statements from Cecil B. DeMille and others rather than assessing his subject as a whole person. This is an intriguing story, but not useful in the academy. Summing Up: Recommended. General readers only. C. Rollyson Bernard M. Baruch College, CUNY

Copyright American Library Association, used with permission.
Review by New York Times Review

On a sweltering Paris evening in June 1926, a 25-year-old pianist and composer from Trenton stepped out onto the stage of the Théâtre des Champs-Élysées, which was crowded with an array of pianos, bass drums, xylophones, electric bells and electric fans (later to be substituted by enormous airplane propellers), as well as a hand-cranked siren. He nodded to the conductor, and the stuffy air in the hall suddenly began pulsing and throbbing, banging and wailing with a loud and persistent mechanical cacophony. Within a few minutes, according to one eyewitness, the concert had degenerated into a shouting match: "Above the mighty noise of the pianos and drums arose catcalls and booing, shrieking and whistling, shouts of 'thief' mixed with 'bravo.'" The audience, which included Eliot, Pound, Joyce and Diaghilev, was in an uproar. The young composer from Trenton was George Antheil. At 5-foot-4, with a round, cherubic face and straight blond hair perfectly parted like a choirboy's, he resembled anything but the piece of aggressive musical brutalism that was inciting the crowd. It was originally called "Message to Mars," and was intended to be music for a Dadaist film. The title had been changed to "Ballet Mécanique," perhaps better to amplify the work's emphatic embrace of Machine Age aesthetics, a kind of futuristic robo-art that Fritz Lang would evoke the following year in his film "Metropolis." Antheil had arrived in Paris in 1923 via Berlin and had soon endeared himself to its Left Bank intelligentsia, moving with his future wife, a Hungarian woman named Boski, into a tiny apartment on the second floor of Sylvia Beach's Shakespeare & Company bookstore and remaining there for 10 years. He shared with his hero Stravinsky a desire to distance himself from the previous generation's plush Romanticism by posing in its place a musical ideal of severe objectivity and mechanistic precision. "Ballet Mécanique" made Antheil a celebrity. He followed it with other attention-getting projects, including a "Jazz Symphony" and an opera, "Transatlantic," which when it had its premiere in Frankfurt in 1930 featured an American presidential candidate caught in a love nest and a soprano singing an aria while taking a bath. For an American composer he was receiving a lot of attention, but he was nonetheless desperately, chronically broke. With Europe on economic spin cycle and fascism on the rise, Antheil returned home to America, living briefly in New York, where he wrote "squibs" for Esquire magazine, including advice for young lovers. He also published a book, "Every Man His Own Detective: A Study of Glandular Criminology." In 1936, with a $4,000 advance from Esquire, the couple drove across the country to Hollywood, where Antheil offered himself to the movie studios. The former avant-garde musical anarchist was ready to go to work for the Beast itself, and soon he was busily if not lucratively scoring films for Cecil B. DeMille. At the same time Antheil was plugging away in Hollywood studios, the movie mogul Louis B. Mayer, on a visit to London, was introduced to a startlingly beautiful Vienna-born actress who, although still in her early 20s, had accomplished her own scandal by appearing nude and simulating passionate adulterous sex in a mostly silent movie called "Ecstasy." The daughter of an affluent Jewish banker, Hedwig Kiesler had studied ballet and classical piano, attended an exclusive girls' school in Switzerland and had already endured several years as the trophy wife of Fritz Mandl, an immensely wealthy Austrian munitions manufacturer. Her acting credits were slight - her jealous husband, after the wedding, had forbidden her from further movie work and had even attempted to buy up every existing copy of "Ecstasy" - but the great stage director Max Reinhardt thought enough of her to cast her in several productions and had given her the sobriquet that would define her for the rest of her life, "the most beautiful woman in the world." Hedwig Kiesler, at the time she met Mayer, had just run away from her suffocating life as Mandi's bride, fleeing with only her luggage and jewelry in search of a chance to go back to acting. But she scrounged enough to book passage on the Normandie, the exclusive luxury liner on which Mayer and his party were returning to America. Like many Hollywood stories, this one is encrusted with the usual legendary bons mots and self-serving anecdotes, but Mayer, who had seen "Ecstasy," would be quoted as saying, "You're lovely, but . . . I don't like what people would think about a girl who flits bare-assed around the screen." Mayer did nonetheless make her an offer but with the proviso that she change her name, and so by the time the Normandie docked in New York Hedwig Kiesler stepped off the gangplank as Hedy Lamarr, renamed by Mayer himself after the late silent film actress Barbara La Marr. Ahead lay years of astonishing commercial success as one of the most marketable of Hollywood's stars. She commanded the screen not so much for her acting, which at best was passably droll and arch, but rather for the perfect beauty of her face, with its colliding sensuality and innocence, and for the subtle irony and sly intelligence that animated her work with screen partners like Clark Gable, Jimmy Stewart and Charles Boyer. UNDER contract to MGM, she worked hard, was generally liked, and although not a diva was scrupulous about fighting for her rights in an era when actors and actresses were "properties" rather than people. She avoided the celebrity party circuit, preferring small gatherings with close friends. At home she set up a drafting table and devoted her downtime to inventions, including a bouillon-like cube that when mixed with water would produce an instant soft drink. It was at a dinner at the home of the actress Janet Gaynor in 1940 that she met George Antheil. According to Antheil's autobiography, "Bad Boy of Music," Hedy requested the meeting because she had read one of his Esquire articles about glands. This was Hollywood, and the most beautiful woman in the world was concerned about her breast size. Could Mr. Antheil help? A friendship began that evening, kindled by the encounter of two imaginative and inventive minds, and it is the subject of Richard Rhodes's new book, "Hedy's Folly." Rhodes, who is possessed of his own imaginatively inventive mind, is best known as the author of "The Making of the Atomic Bomb," one of the great works of scientific history. He has written elsewhere on the cold war, farming, the dangers of prions, the Donner Party and the life of John James Audubon. Rhodes's talent is making the scientifically complex accessible to the proverbial lay reader with clarity and without dumbing down the essentials of his topics. He can make you understand how nuclear fission occurs or how an atomic bomb differs from the hydrogen "super," and along the way he expertly weaves social and cultural commentary into his narrative. What drew Rhodes to the twin story of the Bad Boy of Music and "the most beautiful woman in the world" was their invention of a radio-controlled "spread spectrum" torpedo-guidance system, for which they received a patent in 1942. That a glamorous movie star whose day job involved hours of makeup calls and dress fittings would spend her off hours designing sophisticated weapons systems is one of the great curiosities of Hollywood history. Lamarr, however, not only possessed a head for abstract spatial relationships, but she also had been in her former life a fly on the wall during meetings and technical discussions between her munitions-manufacturer husband and his clients, some of them Nazi officials. Disturbed by news reports of innocents killed at sea by U-boats, she was determined to help defeat the German attacks. And Antheil, arguably the most mechanically inclined of all composers, having long before mastered the byzantine mechanisms of pneumatic piano rolls, retained a special genius for "out of the box" problem solving. Over several years the composer and the movie star spent countless hours together drafting and redrafting designs, not only for the torpedo system but also for a "proximity fuse" antiaircraft shell. In reality, their patent was an early version of today's smart bombs. The device as they made it employed a constantly roving radio signal to guide the torpedo toward its target. Because the signal kept "hopping" from one frequency to another, it would be impossible for the enemy to lock onto. To solve the problems of synchronizing receiver and transmitter, Antheil proposed a tiny structure inspired by the workings of a piano roll. This was a feat that years later would be used in everything from cellphone and Bluetooth technology to GPS instruments. On Aug. 11, 1942, United States Patent No. 2,292,387 was granted to them for their design. But persuading the Navy to take it seriously proved insurmountable. Pentagon bureaucracy, coupled with the fact that the design's co-inventor was a movie star, resulted in their idea being ignored. Hedy's folly may have been in assuming men in government might overcome their prejudice that a beautiful woman could not have brains and imagination. But she lived to see similar versions of her invention be put into common practice, and in 1997, Hedy Lamarr, at the age of 82, and George Antheil (posthumously) were honored with the Pioneer Award by the Electronic Frontier Foundation. Behind the uniqueness of this story lie deeper themes that Rhodes touches upon: the gender biases against beautiful and intelligent women, the delicate interpersonal politics of scientific collaboration and, perhaps most important of all, the neverending, implacable conflict between art and Mammon in American culture. John Adams's "Absolute Jest" will receive its Carnegie Hall premiere in March, with Michael Tilson Thomas conducting the San Francisco Symphony. In 1936, George Antheil, the former musical anarchist, was ready to go to work for the Beast itself: Hollywood. That a glamorous movie star would design sophisticated weapons systems is one of Hollywood's great curiosities.

Copyright (c) The New York Times Company [December 25, 2012]
Review by Booklist Review

*Starred Review* Literary luminary Rhodes is not the first to write about movie star Hedy Lamarr's second life as an inventor, but his enlightening and exciting chronicle is unique in its illumination of why and how she conceived of an epoch-shaping technology now known as frequency-hopping spread spectrum. As intelligent and independent as she was beautiful, Jewish Austrian Lamarr quit school to become an actor, then disastrously married a munitions manufacturer who got cozy with the Nazis. Lamarr coolly gathered weapons information, then fled the country for Hollywood. As she triumphed on the silver screen, she also worked diligently on a secret form of radio communication that she hoped would boost the U.S. war effort but that ultimately became the basis for cell phones, Wi-Fi, GPS, and bar-code readers. Lamarr's technical partner was George Antheil, a brilliant and intrepid pianist and avant-garde composer whose adventures are so fascinating, he nearly steals the show. In symphonic control of a great wealth of fresh and stimulating material, and profoundly attuned to the complex ramifications of Lamarr's and Antheil's struggles and achievements (Lamarr finally received recognition as an electronic pioneer late in life), Rhodes incisively, wittily, and dramatically brings to light a singular convergence of two beyond-category artists who overtly and covertly changed the world.--Seaman, Donna Copyright 2010 Booklist

From Booklist, Copyright (c) American Library Association. Used with permission.
Review by Library Journal Review

Here's a recipe that might surprise you: take a silver-screen sex goddess (Hedy Lamarr), an avant-garde composer (George Antheil), a Hollywood friendship, and mutual technological curiosity, and mix well. What results is a patent for spread-spectrum radio, which has impacted the development of everything from torpedoes to cell phones and GPS technologies. This surprising and long-forgotten story is brought to life by Pulitzer Prize winner Rhodes (The Making of the Atomic Bomb), who deftly moves between Nazi secrets, scandalous films, engineering breakthroughs, and musical flops to weave a taut story that straddles two very different worlds-the entertainment industry and wartime weaponry-and yet somehow manages to remain a delectable read. Verdict Hedy Lamarr is experiencing something of a renaissance, and Rhodes's book adds another layer to the life of a beautiful woman who was so much more than the sum of her parts. It will appeal to a wide array of readers, from film, technology, and patent scholars to those looking for an unusual romp through World War II-era Hollywood.-Teri Shiel, Westfield State Univ. Lib., MA (c) Copyright 2011. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.

(c) Copyright Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
Review by Kirkus Book Review

The Twilight of the Bomb (2010) returns with the surprising story of a pivotal invention produced during World War II by a pair of most unlikely inventors--an avant-garde composer and the world's most glamorous movie star. Pulitzer and NBA winner Rhodes offers the stories of his two principals in alternating segments, sometimes chapter-length. The diminutive pianist/composer George Antheil--who worked with Stravinsky, Ezra Pound, Balanchine, DeMille and other notables--was also a prolific writer and inventor. And Lamarr (born Hedwig Kiesler), smitten by the theater in her native Austria, married a wealthy man charmed by Nazis; she later fled for Hollywood, where she quickly established herself as a major star in such films as Algiers and Ziegfeld Girl. She crossed trails with Antheil, who'd also moved west. Rhodes shows us that Lamarr (a new surname name suggested by the wife of Louis B. Mayer) was extremely bright (though poorly educated), a woman who had an area in her house devoted to inventing. And Antheil--who'd once composed a piece requiring 16 synchronized player pianos--had inventing interests that dovetailed with Lamarr's. They worked together to invent a way to radio-guide torpedoes and to use a technique called frequency-hopping to insure that the enemy could not jam their signals. Lamarr and Antheil secured a patent, but the U.S. Navy did not adopt the device, which, as Rhodes shows, would form the foundations of today's Bluetooth, Wi-Fi and other wireless technologies. Antheil died before earning any recognition for this achievement, but Lamarr, late in her life, did receive awards. The author quotes liberally--perhaps overly so--from the memoirs of his principals. A faded blossom of a story, artfully restored to bright bloom.]] Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Copyright (c) Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

One: A Charming Austrian Girl She was Viennese, not yet seventeen in the spring of 1931 but already a professional actress, in rehearsal for a play. Hedwig Kiesler (pronounced HAYD-vig KEES-lur)-Hedy-had won a small role in the Berlin incarnation of The Weaker Sex , which the celebrated Austrian impresario Max Reinhardt was directing. When Reinhardt restaged the play in Vienna that spring, she had single-mindedly quit the Berlin cast and followed him home. "Are you here too, Fraulein Kiesler?" he'd asked her in surprise. "Are you living with your family? All right, you can be the Americaness again." Édouard Bourdet's play was a comedy with a pair of boorish stage Americans as foils. Reinhardt had assigned the actor George Weller, Hedy's husband in the play, to teach her some American songs. "I took this as a mandate to make an American out of Hedy Kiesler," the young Bostonian recalled. She was eager to be transformed. "Hedy had only the vaguest ideas of what the United States were," Weller discovered, "except that they were grouped around Hollywood." She idolized the California tennis star Helen Wills, "Little Miss Poker Face." Wills, focused and unexpressive on the courts, all business, was the world's number-one- ranked female tennis player, midway that year through an unbroken run of 180 victories. "Watch me look like Helen Wills," Hedy teased Weller when they rehearsed together. "Du, schau' mal, hier bin ich Kleine Poker Face." Her lively young face would grow calm, Weller remembered, "expressionless and assured, her brow would clarify, and for a moment she would really become an American woman." Commandeering the property room, Hedy and George practiced singing "Yes, Sir, That's My Baby," "Yes, We Have No Bananas," and an Austrian favorite, Al Jolson's lugubrious "Sonny Boy." It melted the matrons at matinees, many of them mothers with sons lost in the long slaughter of the Great War. An only child, entertaining herself with her dolls, Hedy had dreamed since she was a little girl of becoming a movie star. "I had a little stage under my father's desk," she recalled, "where I would act out fairy tales. When someone would come into the room they would think my mind was really wandering. I was always talking to myself." Her tall, handsome, vigorous father, Emil, an athlete as well as a successful banker, told her stories, read her books, and took her on walks in their tree-lined neighborhood and in the great park of the Wienerwald- the Vienna Woods. Wherever they went together, he explained to her how everything worked-"from printing presses to streetcars," she said. Her father's enthusiasm for technology links her lifelong interest in invention with cherished memories of her favorite parent. Hedy's mother was stricter, concerned that such a pretty, vivacious child would grow up spoiled unless she heard criticism as well as compliments. "She has always had everything," Trude Kiesler said. "She never had to long for anything. First there was her father who, of course, adored her, and was very proud of her. He gave her all the comforts, pretty clothes, a fine home, parties, schools, sports. He looked always for the sports for her, and music." Trude had trained as a concert pianist before motherhood intervened. In turn, she supervised Hedy's lessons on the grand piano in the Kiesler salon. "I underemphasized praise and flattery," Trude determined, "hoping in this way to balance the scales for her." The Kieslers were assimilated Jews, Trude from Budapest, Emil from Lemberg (now known as Lviv). Hedy kept her Jewish heritage secret throughout her life; her son and daughter only learned of it after her death. In prewar Vienna it had hardly mattered. The Viennese population's mixed legacy of Slavic, Germanic, Hungarian, Italian, and Jewish traditions was one of its glories, one reason for the city's unique creative ferment in the first decades of the new century. Sigmund Freud's daughters attended the same girls' middle school that Hedy later did, and after the war Anna Freud taught there. Vienna is an old city, with ruins dating to Roman times. The emperor Marcus Aurelius wrote his third book of Meditations on that rough Germanic frontier. Set in the broad Danube valley at the eastern terminus of the Alps, it grew across the centuries through great turmoil to become the capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. A wide ring boulevard supplanted its medieval wall after 1857, opening it up to its suburbs. By 1910, two million ethnically diverse Viennese, reading newspapers published in ten languages, took their leisure in sparkling coffeehouses, and the beneficence of the emperor Franz Josef had filled the city's twenty-one districts with parks, statues, and palaces. To the Viennese writer Stefan Zweig, his birthplace was "a city of a thousand attractions, a city with theatres, museums, bookstores, universities, music, a city in which each day brought new surprises." If Vienna was old, it made itself radically modern in the years around the Great War in music, theater, and art. Austrian culture had prepared the way, Zweig believed: "Precisely because the monarchy, because Austria itself for centuries had been neither politically ambitious nor particularly successful in military actions, the native pride had turned more strongly toward a desire for artistic supremacy." Vienna was the arena of that desire. The roll call of important early-twentieth-century artists, musicians, writers, scientists, and philosophers active in the Viennese milieu is startling: the artists Gustav Klimt, Josef Hoffmann, Egon Schiele, and Oskar Kokoschka; the writers Hugo von Hofmannsthal, Arthur Schnitzler, Robert Musil, and Joseph Roth; the composers Gustav Mahler, Arnold Schoenberg, Anton von Webern, and Alban Berg. Sigmund Freud invented psychoanalysis in Vienna. Ludwig Boltzmann and Ernst Mach contributed importantly to physics there. Rudolf Carnap, Kurt Gödel, Otto Neurath, and, most famously, Ludwig Wittgenstein transformed philosophy. "The whole city was at one," Zweig saw, in its "receptivity for all that was colorful, festive and resounding, in [its] pleasure in the theatrical, whether it was on the stage or in reality, both as theatre and as a mirror of life." For Zweig, theater was the core Viennese experience: It was not the military, nor the political, nor the commercial, that was predominant in the life of the individual and of the masses. The first glance of the average Viennese into his morning paper was not at the events in parliament, or world affairs, but at the repertoire of the theatre, which assumed so important a role in public life as hardly was possible in any other city. For the Imperial theatre, the Burgtheater, was for the Viennese and for the Austrian more than a stage upon which actors enacted parts; it was the microcosm that mirrored the macrocosm, the brightly colored reflection in which the city saw itself. . . . The stage, instead of being merely a place of entertainment, was a spoken and plastic guide of good behavior and correct pronunciation, and a nimbus of respect encircled like a halo everything that had even the faintest connection with the Imperial theatre. What else but theater, and by extension motion pictures, would a bright, pretty, single-minded Viennese girl choose? "I acted all the time," Hedy recalled. "I copied my mother. I copied the way she walked and the way she talked. I copied her mannerisms, her facial expression. I copied the guests who came to our house. I copied people I saw in the streets. I copied the servants. I was a little living copybook. I wrote people down on me." Acting was in the air. In his school classes, Zweig remembered, "in keeping with the Viennese atmosphere . . . the impulse to creative production became positively epidemic. Each of us sought some talent within himself and endeavored to unfold it." Four or five of Zweig's classmates wanted to be actors. "They imitated the diction of the Imperial players, they recited and declaimed without ceasing, secretly took lessons in acting, and, during the recesses at school, distributed parts and improvised entire scenes from the classics, while the rest of us formed a curious but exacting audience." Hedy took more direct action, as her father had taught her. "He made me understand that I must make my own decisions," she said, "mold my own character, think my own thoughts." She had met Max Reinhardt, the director and impresario, at a party in 1929, when she was fifteen, and he had seemed interested in her. "He had encouraged me by telling me to hold fast to my dream and that if I held fast it would come true." She held fast, and it did. After an unhappy term at a Swiss finishing school that she finessed by running away home to Vienna, she scouted a motion-picture studio, Sascha-Film, the largest in the city. To buy time for her assault, she added a zero to a school absence request her mother had signed, turning one hour into ten-two school days. "I knew that the studio employed script girls. I did not have any idea of what script girls are supposed to do, but I knew that they were on the sets all the time watching the actors work-and that was enough for me." She slipped into the studio and presented herself. "They asked me, 'Do you know how to be a script girl?' and I said, 'No. But may I try?' " Probably because she was pretty as well as brash, the script supervisor laughed and took her on. She had that day and one more to make good. The film then in production was called Geld auf der Strasse (Money in the Streets). There was a minor part for a girl in a nightclub scene. "I applied for it and right away I got it," Hedy recalled. In this account, for an American magazine, she translates her starting salary as "five dollars a day." Then she had to tell her parents that she was dropping out of school at sixteen to become a professional actress. As she remembered the negotiation in 1938: Well, it was not too bad. They were bewildered a little but not very surprised. They were never surprised at anything I did. And besides, I had been talking movies for so long that they were really prepared for this. My dear father finally laughed and said, "You have been an actress ever since you were a baby!" So my parents did not try to prevent me. They were willing to give me this great wish of my heart. She recalled it differently later in life. She had persuaded the director, Georg Jacoby, to give her the part. Her parents, she wrote, "were much more difficult to persuade than [Jacoby], because it meant my dropping school. But at last they agreed. My father had never forbidden his little princess anything, and besides, he reasoned that I would soon enough quit of my own accord and go back to school." When Geld auf der Strasse wrapped, a better role followed as a secretary in Sturm im Wasserglas ( Storm in a Water Glass ), another Jacoby project. Then Reinhardt cast her in The Weaker Sex . "Reinhardt made me read, meet people, attend plays." She followed him back to Vienna when he restaged the play there. "Yes, we have no bananas." "When you dance with her," George Weller remembered, "as I did every night for about three months, she is a trifle stiff to the touch. Reedlike, that's what Hedy Kiesler is, sweet and reedlike, and when she wants to talk to you she doesn't lean over your shoulder and arch herself out behind like a debutante. . . . She leans back from you [and] takes a good look in your eyes and a firm grip on your name before she will allow herself to say a word." Weller was present when Reinhardt gave Hedy her lifelong byname, a christening later claimed by the Hollywood studio head Louis B. Mayer: It was at the rehearsal of a cafe scene in a comedy, and the Regisseur [that is, the director] was Reinhardt. There were Viennese newspapermen watching. Suddenly the Herr Professor, a man not given to superlatives, turned to the reporters and mildly pronounced these words: "Hedy Kiesler is the most beautiful girl in the world." Instantly the reporters put it down. In five minutes the Herr Professor's sentence, utter and absolute, had been telephoned to the newspapers of the [city center], to be dispatched by press services to other newspapers, other capitals, countries, continents. The Weaker Sex played in Vienna for one month, from 8 May to 8 June 1931. "Almost before we knew it," Weller recalled, "another play was in rehearsal." Hollywood was buying up European actors as it rapidly expanded film production, a trend that would accelerate after 1933 when the Nazis took power in Germany and then in Austria, and Jews saw their civil rights stripped away. The play, Film und Liebe (Film and Love), satirized the earlier, commercial phase of the exodus. Weller won the role of "a brash Hollywood director who thought . . . that Central European talent could be seduced by American gold into immigrating to California." The female lead as Weller remembered it called for a character "who simply recoiled at the sight of a Hollywood contract," which would have been a stretch for Hedy. In any case the director offered her a smaller role. She rejected it. "I've never been satisfied," she explained. "I've no sooner done one thing than I am seething inside me to do another thing. And so, almost as soon as I was inside a studio I wanted to be acting in a studio. And as soon as I was acting in a studio, I wanted to be starring in a studio. I wanted to be famous." Her stage roles had been limited and her reviews mixed. Weller thought she simply "decided for herself . . . that she wanted no more stage." Berlin was the center of filmmaking, and to Berlin she returned that August 1931, looking for work. She found it with the Russian émigré director Alexis Granowsky, who cast her as the mayor's daughter in a comedy, Die Koffer des Herrn O.F . ( The Trunks of Mr. O.F .). The cast included her rising Austrian contemporary Peter Lorre in his fourth film role. When Trunks wrapped, in mid-October, Sascha-Film obligingly offered her the female lead in another comedy to be shot in Berlin, Man braucht kein Geld ( One Needs No Money ), opposite Heinz Rühmann, a German film star. Hedy turned seventeen midway through the November production. Die Koffer des Herrn O.F. premiered in Berlin on 2 December. Man braucht kein Geld followed in Vienna on 22 December. "Excellent work by a cast of familiar German actors," the New York Times would praise Man braucht kein Geld on its New York opening the following fall, "reinforced by Hedy Kiesler, a charming Austrian girl." It was her first American notice. Then a truly starring role came to hand. The Czech director Gustav Machat_ found Hedy in Berlin and offered her the lead in a Czechoslovakian film, Ekstase ( Ecstasy ), a love story. She was thrilled. "When I had this opportunity to star in [the film]," she recalled, "it was the biggest opportunity I had had. I was mad for this chance, of course." Shooting was scheduled for July 1932. To fill the intervening months, she replaced one of the four actors in Noël Coward's comedy Private Lives at the Komödie Theatre. Whether or not Hedy's parents read the script of Ekstase isn't clear from the remaining record. Since she was still a minor, however, they did try to protect her: I could not go, my father said, unless my mother went too. But I did not want my mother to go. . . . I was young enough to want to be on my own. What kind of a baby, what kind of an amateur would they think me, I said, if I had to have my mother along to take care of me! Besides, I felt embarrassed when my mother was in the studio, was on the sets watching me. I felt stiff and self-conscious then. I could not feel free and grownup like that. I finally prevailed upon my father to allow me to go with the members of the company. There could be no harm in this. Eventually, she revealed another reason she had insisted on traveling unaccompanied: "I went to Prague because I was in love with somebody." She wanted no chaperoning mother to interfere. Excerpted from Hedy's Folly: The Life and Breakthrough Inventions of Hedy Lamarr, the Most Beautiful Woman in the World by Richard Rhodes All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.