Review by New York Times Review
RUSSIANS IN POSITIONS of power tend to measure their country's standing in the world against the United States, longing to be recognized as equally important and powerful and getting very angry when they're not so treated. President Vladimir Putin has made victimhood at America's hands a leitmotif of his reign, and many Russians have bought into his claim that Washington tirelessly seeks ways to weaken, impoverish and otherwise humiliate their country. Many critics of Putin, in Russia and in the West, similarly hold that Washington's treatment of Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union was disdainful and thus undermined embryonic moves toward democracy, contributing to the rise of Putinism. Garry Kasparov, the great Russian chess grandmaster who has become a fierce Putin opponent, offers a mirror image of this theme. In his view, espoused in many articles and now in "Winter Is Coming," the West - more specifically, the United States, and even more specifically the Democratic Party under President Obama - is guilty of chronic appeasement and weakness in letting bad guys like Putin stay in power. I should say up front that I cannot agree that the United States somehow deliberately sought to humiliate Russia in those chaotic days in the 1990s when Communist rule collapsed, or somehow failed to support the first tentative democratic reforms. To argue that the United States had the prescience and power to understand and direct events in Russia overlooks the enormous complexity in the disintegration of a vast, nuclear-armed, totalitarian empire. From the time Mikhail Gorbachev first loosened Soviet control until the Soviet Union was dissolved in December 1991, events moved in ways nobody in the East or West could predict or fully grasp, and it is to Russia's and America's credit that so little blood was shed in that momentous transition. Kasparov sees things differently. To him, what hope there was for Russia after the Berlin Wall came down soon turned into a steady march toward authoritarian rule under a former K.G.B. agent, aided and abetted by a feckless West. Half the book is about the evolution of Putin from Boris Yeltsin's handpicked successor to the capo di tutti capi of a mafia state. There is not much new here, and most readers will not need to be convinced that Putin is a bad guy. The other and more important theme of the book is the reputed absence of a moral component in Western foreign affairs, which has "encouraged autocrats like Putin and terrorist groups like ISIS to flourish around the world." Kasparov's message is aimed at an American audience. Written in English (with the chess writer Mig Greengard), and with a title borrowed from "Game of Thrones," "Winter Is Coming" is meant as a warning of impending doom should the West persist with the "moral capitulation" that Kasparov repeatedly decries. There's no pretense of nonpartisanship here, no subtlety. A fiery man known for his dynamic play in chess and for his self-assurance, Kasparov fully credits Ronald Reagan for the end of the Cold War and the fall of the "evil empire" - "Lesser problems were left to lesser men" - and he has no doubt that "the world would be a safer, more democratic place today had John McCain been elected" president, or at least Mitt Romney, who called Russia "without question our No. 1 geopolitical foe." Barack Obama, by contrast, is relentlessly and repeatedly skewered: The president is "reluctant to confront the enemies of democracy to defend the values he touts so convincingly"; he is "busy retreating on every front"; and even when he does seem to be standing up to Putin, the most Kasparov can allow is, "I suppose that doing the right thing for the wrong reason is better than never doing it at all." The politicking becomes somewhat tedious, as do the "I told you so" moments scattered through the book: "It is cold comfort to be told, 'You were right!"' Kasparov laments in his introduction. But much as one may disagree with Kasparov's analyses, the main problem here is not so much with his accusations of Western or American perfidy. He has his right to his opinions, and even to the aggressive tone in which they are served up. That's who he is. I covered Kasparov's ascent to the world chess championship against the grandmaster openly preferred by the Kremlin, Anatoly Karpov, in matches that became a memorable ideological contest between the audacious upstart and the dull company man. In 2005, Kasparov retired from professional chess and dedicated himself "to push back against the rising tide of repression coming from the Kremlin," and he was admirably active in the anti-Putin marches until a relentless crackdown curtailed open opposition. Kasparov now lives in self-imposed exile - temporary, he insists - in New York. The real problem with "Winter Is Coming" is with its presumption that the United States is somehow responsible for what Russia has become, or for what it should become. Certainly Washington has an obligation to challenge Moscow and Putin when international norms or human rights are violated. Indeed, Obama and America's democratic allies have done just that with the progressively tougher sanctions they have ordered against Russia. But even Reagan, the president Kasparov so adulates, never sought regime change in the "evil empire," instead looking for areas of cooperation with Gorbachev. And ultimately it was Gorbachev, more than any American or other Western leader, who played the greatest role in bringing down the Soviet system. Yet Kasparov, born and raised in the Soviet Union and intimately aware that Communism was overthrown first and foremost by Russians themselves, acknowledges their responsibility for Putin's rule only in one throwaway line - "In the end, Putin is a Russian problem, of course, and Russians must deal with how to remove him." The next sentence is: "He and his repressive regime, however, are supported directly and indirectly by the free world." What the free world should be doing, he argues, includes adopting a "global Magna Carta" uniting all democracies in the fight against dictators, arming Ukraine, developing substitutes for the energy Europe imports from Russia and heeding Kasparov. Over the years, he laments, he has provided long lists of ways to counter Putin, but "even now, after he has proven my worst fears correct and everyone is telling me how right I was, few of those recommendations have been enacted." This is not the place to argue the merits or feasibility of arming Ukraine or cutting Russian gas imports. Nor is there a need to defend President Obama against Kasparov's crude and baseless insults. The question to be posed is whether even the most aggressive Western stance toward Putin would make him less dictatorial or Russia more free. That change must come from within, and I would have much preferred to hear Kasparov's take on what must change in Russia and how the Russians might do it. There are plenty of other people to trash Barack Obama. According to Kasparov, the West is guilty of appeasement in letting Putin stay in power. SERGE SCHMEMANN, a member of The Times's editorial board, was for many years the paper's bureau chief in Moscow.
Copyright (c) The New York Times Company [October 11, 2015]
Review by Publisher's Weekly Review
This unpersuasive political screed from Kasparov, world chess champion from 1985 to 2005 and now a human rights activist, lays part of the blame for Vladimir Putin's repressive Russian dictatorship at the feet of the U.S. and other world powers. After admitting that "Putin is no Hitler," the author repeatedly compares the two. In his eyes, Putin sought "adulation and validation" at the Sochi Olympic Games just as Hitler did at the 1936 Berlin Olympics. Kasparov also accuses the United States of "cowardice" for allowing Putin to annex the Crimea in 2014, tantamount to Neville Chamberlain's "eager capitulation" to the Nazi annexation of the Sudentenland in Czechoslovakia in 1938. The author's apocalyptic warnings about the dangers posed to the international community by Putin may find sympathetic ears at international human rights conferences, but he is unlikely to convince many Americans that they have a "moral responsibility" to provide military aid to Ukraine and return to Cold War "principles and policies." Even Kasparov admits that "in the end, Putin is a Russian problem... and Russians must deal with how to remove him." (Nov.) © Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved.
(c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved
Review by Library Journal Review
Kasparov's principled and consistent opposition to Russian President Vladimir Putin is as distinguished as his years as the world's top-rated chess champion, a status of particular value in Russia. His book blends themes that are certain to engage readers disturbed by Putin's foreign and domestic policies. The author offers an analysis of Russia's political evolution since the Soviet collapse, an indictment of the West's weakness in confronting Putin's increasingly brazen challenges, and an account of his own political experience in Russia. After the revelations of such books as Karen Dawisha's Putin's Kleptocracy, Kasparov's description of the motivations of Putin seems credible, if not consistently intelligible. Central to the book's purpose is exposing the regime's successful deflection of Western criticism of its murderous repression and foreign aggression through commercial blandishments and alleged antiterrorism. Kasparov's indictment of American policy toward Russia judges President Barack Obama's wish for a "reset" in relations to have been especially ill-funded. More revealing are accounts of opposition figures, such as the murdered journalist Anna Politkovskaya and the activist Alexei Navalny. VERDICT Kasparov blends analysis and polemic in a clear and ironic style, appealing both to political specialists and general readers.-Zachary Irwin, Behrend Coll., Pennsylvania State Erie © Copyright 2015. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
(c) Copyright Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
Review by Kirkus Book Review
Though still best known as a master chess player, Kasparov (How Life Imitates Chess: Making the Right Moves, from the Board to the Boardroom, 2007, etc.) continues his campaign as an anti-Putin warrior. By his own admission, "I've made well over a thousand media appearances in the last ten years, nearly all of them to discuss Russia and Putin," writes the author, so much of his argument will be familiar to those who have seen him with Bill Maher or read his op-ed columns in the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal. "Avoiding a new Cold War sounds like an admirable goal, but what if we are already in one?" asks Kasparov. He maintains that any sort of illusion of a thaw should have ended with the ascent of Putin, who followed the corruption of the Yeltsin regime with a dictatorial ruthlessness. He alternates between convincing analysis of Putin's malfeasance and hard-line assessments of American foreign policy, which he believes has suffered from a rudderless lack of leadership since Ronald Reagan. He can barely bring himself to name Bill Clinton, "a man with no foreign policy experience, a man whose slogan, It's the economy, stupid,' efficiently discarded foreign policy and the Cold War from the campaign." The author thinks the country and the world would have been much better served by John McCain or Mitt Romney presidencies. His disparaging references to Hillary Clinton leave no doubt where he stands on the campaign to come, which a book like this is an attempt to influence. "If the road to Hell is paved with good intentions, compromises on principles are the street lights," he writes, in a book that finds compromise synonymous with appeasement and consistently finds parallels between Putin and Hitler, because, early on, "Hitler was no Hitler either!" American readers might not be as eager as Kasparov to return to Cold War policies or commit the troops that might heat it up. Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.
Copyright (c) Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.
