Latinx The new force in American politics and culture

IN SEPTEMBER, just in time for Hispanic Heritage Month, the Merriam-Webster Dictionary recognized the word "Latinx," which it defines as "of, relating to or marked by Latin American heritage - used as a gender-neutral alternative to Latino or Latina." I was happy to see the addition, and also more than a little amused. I thought back to my freshman year of college in 1992. As I sat in a computer room in my dorm working away on an early Macintosh, a red squiggly line immediately appeared underneath the word "Chicano" after I typed it into the paper I was writing about my family's background. When I hit the spell check to see what the problem was, Microsoft Word had a suggestion: Chicago. "You don't even exist," popped into my head. Unfortunately, this wasn't a new experience. Years earlier, in middle school, I'd been asked to fill out a form that included a question about my background. There were three options to choose from: black, white or other. "Well, I'm not black or white," I remember thinking, pencil in hand, "but I don't like the sound of 'other.' " I left it blank. For many Latinos, stories like these are all too familiar. In "Latinx: The New Force in American Politics and Culture," Ed Morales fills in that blank as well as the long, painful, complex and intersectional struggle for identity that has shaped America's Latino community. As Morales notes, Latinx is just the latest in a series of terms, from Hispanic to Latino/a and even Latini®, employed to refer to individuals of Latin American heritage in an inclusive way. Reading Morales's dissection of Latinx identity formation, however, one begins to believe that the x in "Latinx" is more than just a means of providing gender-neutrality. As in algebra, the x is variable. How a Latino or Latina perceives himself or herself - and how he or she is perceived by others - often depends on context. Unhappy with the binary notion of race popular in the United States, Morales offers the concept of mestizaje, or hybridity, that encompasses a spectrum of identity, the result of hundreds of years of intermixing among African, European and indigenous peoples in Mexico, Latin America and the Caribbean. Latinos can be black, white, brown or anything in between. Skin color, national origin, whether one lives in the mainland United States or outside of it, and one's ability to speak Spanish, not to mention gender and sexual orientation, all play a role in one's self-concept. Morales, an adjunct faculty member at Columbia University who describes his own identity as that of a "racialized person living in a U.S. megacity, who has a somewhat ambiguous phenotypical appearance," proves refreshingly introspective, weaving enough personal biography into the book to pull the work back from veering too far into inaccessible academic jargon. "In my own extended family, there is generally a disdain for blackness," he writes, and tells of his father, who "traded on Anglo-Americans' perceptions of his whiteness if it helped him in financial or social transactions, yet sought to avoid complete identification with whiteness when it came to his 'real' identity." According to the 2010 census, there were 55 million Latinos in the United States, and they made up 23 percent of Americans under the age of 18. Today, although AsianAmericans are now growing more quickly in percentage terms, Latinos are still growing fastest numerically. That means the destiny of the United States and the destiny of the Latino community are powerfully intertwined. "The American identity will never be fixed and final; it will always be in the making," Arthur Schlesinger Jr. wrote a quarter century ago in "The Disuniting of America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society." While Schlesinger's observation may be true, it is much easier asserted than accepted. With his boogeyman approach to electoral politics, Donald Trump has deftly exploited anxieties about the impact of America's changing demographics on our national identity, and no group has been more vilified by Trump for political purposes than Latinos. After declaring in his announcement speech that Mexico was sending rapists and drug runners to our country, months later Trump dismissed questions about the legitimacy of fraud claims against Trump University by insisting that the American-born judge of Mexican descent who was presiding over the case could not do his job right because "he's Mexican!" His administration has been even worse, cruelly separating families apprehended at the Southern border, failing to adequately respond to Hurricane Maria and then dismissing the deaths of 3,000 Puerto Ricans as mere fantasy concocted by political opponents. It is no surprise, then, that the Latino community is widely misperceived and is especially in need today of voices to defend and humanize it. In this way, "Latinx" couldn't be timelier. For one thing, Morales shatters Americans' view of the community as monolithic. Although nearly two-thirds of Latinos claim Mexican heritage, Puerto Ricans, Cubans and a growing community of Latinos from Central and South America each have unique cultural and political experiences in the United States. Morales explores these to varying degrees, and, importantly, makes clear that Latinos have been integral to America's progress for generations, even as they have grappled with relative invisibility, outright rejection of their place in America and internal struggles about their own identity. He reminds us that it was Gonzalo and Felicitas Méndez, the Mexican-born father and Puerto Rican mother of daughter Sylvia Mendez, who challenged California's separate and unequal "Mexican schools," winning an appellate court victory in 1946 that paved the way for the Supreme Court's opinion in Brown v. Board of Education that struck down racial segregation in schools eight years later. Morales's writing can be hyperbolic at times. "For an American economy that has been largely stagnant, the opening of Cuba is a last-ditch opportunity to stave off looming worldwide economic disaster," he writes of President Obama's efforts to open up Cuba to American investment. Still, the book's deep dive into the crosscurrents of Latinx identity is a powerful reminder that, as Americans wrestle with questions about who is and who is not "American" - and, indeed, questions about what it means to be an American in the 21st century - the nation can benefit immensely from the robust inclusion and understanding of a community that has spent generations grappling with nearly every facet of its own identity. No group has been more vilified by Trump for political purposes them Latinos. JULIAN castro was the mayor of San Antonio and the secretary of housing and urban development under President Barack Obama from 2014 to 2017.