The world's fastest man The extraordinary life of cyclist Major Taylor, America's first Black sports hero

Michael Kranish

Book - 2019

"In the tradition of The Boys in the Boat and Seabiscuit, a fascinating portrait of a groundbreaking but forgotten figure--the remarkable Major Taylor, the black man who broke racial barriers by becoming the world's fastest and most famous bicyclist at the height of the Jim Crow era. In the 1890s, the nation's promise of equality had failed spectacularly. While slavery had ended with the Civil War, the Jim Crow laws still separated blacks from whites, and the excesses of the Gilded Age created an elite upper class. Amidst this world arrived Major Taylor, a young black man who wanted to compete in the nation's most popular and mostly white man's sport, cycling. Birdie Munger, a white cyclist who once was the world�...39;s fastest man, declared that he could help turn the young black athlete into a champion. Twelve years before boxer Jack Johnson and fifty years before baseball player Jackie Robinson, Taylor faced racism at nearly every turn--especially by whites who feared he would disprove their stereotypes of blacks. In The World's Fastest Man, years in the writing, investigative journalist Michael Kranish reveals new information about Major Taylor based on a rare interview with his daughter and other never-before-uncovered details from Taylor's life. Kranish shows how Taylor indeed became a world champion, traveled the world, was the toast of Paris, and was one of the most chronicled black men of his day. From a moment in time just before the arrival of the automobile when bicycles were king, the populace was booming with immigrants, and enormous societal changes were about to take place, The World's Fastest Man shines a light on a dramatic moment in American history--the gateway to the twentieth century"--

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Subjects
Genres
Biographies
Published
New York : Scribner 2019.
Language
English
Main Author
Michael Kranish (author)
Edition
First Scribner hardcover edition
Physical Description
x, 365 pages, 8 unnumbered pages of plates : illustrations, portraits ; 24 cm
Bibliography
Includes bibliography (pages 343-349) and index.
ISBN
9781501192593
9781501192609
  • Prologue
  • Part 1. Acceleration
  • 1. Birdie Takes Flight
  • 2. The Rise of Major Taylor
  • 3. The President and the Cyclists
  • 4. Birdie and Major in Indianapolis
  • 5. No Such Prejudice
  • 6. The Bicycle Craze
  • Part 2. The Jump
  • 7. The Rivalry Begins
  • 8. "Major Taylor's Life in Danger"
  • 9. The Fighting Man
  • 10. A Rematch with Eddie Bald
  • 11. In Pursuit of the Championship
  • 12. "A Race Run for Blood"
  • 13. A Black Man in Paris
  • 14. "The Terribly Dangerous and Beautiful Races"
  • 15. Voyage of the Titans
  • 16. The Caged Bird Sings
  • 17. "The Strain Is Too Great"
  • 18. A Faraway Land
  • 19. The Changing World
  • Part 3. The Finish
  • 20. "I Need Your Prayers"
  • 21. "My Last Race"
  • Appendix 1. Major Taylor's Cycling Records
  • Appendix 2. Major Taylor's Training Regimen
  • Acknowledgments
  • Notes
  • Bibliography
  • Image Credits
  • Index
Review by New York Times Review

The baseball park is a peculiar space. As Paul Goldberger allows in BALLPARK: Baseball in the American City (Knopf, $35), "most of the best ballparks have not, in fact, been particularly memorable pieces of architecture by any formal standard." In 1911, when the 37-year-old James McLaughlin was commissioned to design one, he had never worked on such a structure before, and never would again. "If he knew of Frank Lloyd Wright and other modernist architects who were beginning to challenge traditional ways of designing buildings," Goldberger writes, "he probably did not agree with them." The project this unadventurous soul undertook would be known as Fenway Park. Martin F. Nolan, a reporter at The Boston Globe, later described the home of the Red Sox as "a crazy-quilt violation of city planning principles" and "an irregular pile of architecture." These were meant as compliments. What McLaughlin's design lacked in formal grandeur, it made up for in what Goldberger describes as its "benign quirkiness" : the ad hoc arrangement of its grandstands, its famously shallow left field. Fenway hails from a golden era of ballpark construction, when America's pastoral sport was squeezed into the grids of its growing cities. (Fenway's idiosyncrasies are largely the product of the trapezoidal lot McLaughlin was forced to work within.) The great ballparks built in this moment - Brooklyn's Ebbets Field, Chicago's Wrigley Field - realized the ideal of rus in urbe, or the rural in the urban. "The ballpark was the one place where the dialectic between city and country could be experienced within a single intense and lively piece of architecture," Goldberger writes, "the one place where the energy of the city and the easy, relaxed pace of the country were not mutually exclusive, but mutually dependent." Goldberger's book offers a concise history of majorleague ballparks, from the earliest wooden structures (a predecessor to Fenway, the ornate South End Grounds, succumbed to fire - in the middle of a game) to the present. The book is lushly illustrated and can be enjoyed in a coffee-table capacity: Flip to the sections on your favorite parks and you'll find surprising tidbits on nearly every page. The original design for Dodger Stadium, for instance, would have allowed V.I.Rs to drive their cars directly up to their luxury boxes. How Los Angeles is that? But the book also mounts a sustained argument across its pages, which makes reading it end to end equally rewarding. The history of the ballpark, the former New York Times and New Yorker architecture critic asserts, tracks closely with America's attitudes toward its cities. The great parks of the early 20th century may have conjured the rus in urbe, but by midcentury the automobile and the interstate were ushering in the age of the suburb, and ball clubs, too, beat a retreat from the city. Thus began what Goldberger describes as the "concrete doughnut" era, a regrettable period in which teams relocated to venues optimized for parking but detached, spatially and spiritually, from the city. The advent of the domed stadium, around the same time, allowed teams to keep the elements at bay but sacrificed any illusion of pastoral expanse. Of his inaugural visit to the Astrodome in Houston, Mickey Mantle is said to have remarked: "It reminds me of what my first ride would be like in a flying saucer." Thankfully, as American cities began to enjoy a renaissance at the end of the 20 th century, ballparks returned as well, though the retro movement that has given us contemporary gems like Pittsburgh's PNC Park and San Francisco's Oracle Park was far from inevitable. It required the Orioles - owned at the time by an architecture buff and a devoted follower of the urbanist Jane Jacobs - daring to replace the aging hulk of Memorial Stadium with a more intimate downtown park to revive a lost ideal. Architecture critics can be wary of nostalgia, but in the case of Baltimore's Camden Yards, Goldberger writes, "looking toward the past actually was the future." The subject of Kevin Cowherd's when the crowd didn't ROAR: How Baseball's Strangest Game Ever Gave a Broken City Hope (University of Nebraska, $27.95) IS Surely the most peculiar game ever played at Camden Yards. In April 2015, the black Baltimore resident Freddie Gray died from injuries sustained while in the custody of the city's Police Department. Gray's death - the medical examiner would eventually class it as a homicide - prompted widespread protest in the city. In the midst of the civic unrest, the Orioles were due to host a three-game homestand against the Chicago White Sox. Fearing that it could not guarantee the safety of players or fans, the team called off the first two games. Then the front office made a surprise announcement: Baltimore would host Chicago for the final game of the set - but, in a first for Major League Baseball, no spectators would be permitted to enter the ballpark. The game would be broadcast on television and radio, but the gates to the stadium would be locked. No vendors would stalk the aisles selling peanuts. Balls hit out of play would careen off empty seats. Cowherd, a longtime columnist at The Baltimore Sun, attempts to answer the koan-like question posed by this singular event: If you play a baseball game and no fans are there to witness it, have you played a baseball game? Yes and no. The players do their best to stay loose and not be spooked by the strange hush. Caleb Joseph, the Orioles catcher, emerges from the dugout, walks over to the stands, pantomimes the signing of autographs and doffs his cap to the empty stands. In the visiting clubhouse, the Chicago center fielder Adam Eaton takes to Twitter. "We are gonna do our best to take the crowd out of it early," he writes. "Wish us luck." Despite these efforts at levity, a shadow hangs over the proceedings. Some players, including Eaton, portray the game as a worthy attempt to return to "normalcy." Adam Jones, the Orioles' all-star center fielder and one of the league's top black players, isn't so sure. "It's this very 'normalcy' - at least when it comes to the unchanging conditions in the poorest black neighborhoods - that caused Baltimore to erupt in the first place," Cowherd writes. Jones is placed in the impossible, if familiar, position of being a spokesman for his franchise as well as his race. "We need this game to be played," he tells the media that day. "But we need this city to be healed first." It's a hopeful message, but the healing was not to be. The Orioles went on to win the game handily, 8-2. None of the six police officers charged in connection with Gray's death were convicted in criminal court, or faced departmental sanction. If Cowherd's book elucidates a chilling collision of race and sport from recent history, the world's fastest man: The Extraordinary Life of Cyclist Major Taylor, America's First Black Sports Hero (Scribner, $30), by the Washington Post politics reporter Michael Kranish, restores the memory of one of the first black athletes to overcome the drag of racism and achieve national renown. Major Taylor was a champion cyclist at a time when being black limited his ability to compete - and imperiled him on the track. Taylor would ultimately take on, and defeat, the fastest men in what was a wildly popular sport in Gilded Age America. (Teddy Roosevelt was a Major Taylor fan.) But he faced discrimination, or worse, at every turn. Organizing bodies, like the League of American Wheelmen, voted to exclude black racers. Attempting to register for a race in Brooklyn, Taylor was told it would be more appro priate if he were to go "shine the Fifth Avenue gentlemen's shoes." When Taylor did manage to enter a race, Kranish writes, "his competitors made him a marked man, cutting him off, trying to knock over his bike, hoping to make him crash at full speed." When he won, ceremonial bands taunted him by playing "Dixie." Taylor's commitment to his sport - he adhered to a strict training regimen and a careful diet - was outstripped only by his determination not to let such nastiness circumscribe his accomplishments. When, in 1900, his rival Eddie "Cannon" Bald hid behind the color line rather than face a challenge from Taylor, the black racer pasted a newspaper article about the controversy in his scrapbook. Beside it, he wrote: "Yield not to discouragement. Zealously labor for the right, and success is certain." As Kranish's exhaustive account makes plain, success was far from certain. Taylor's remarkable perseverance, in and out of the velodrome, made it possible. This spring, ESPN announced that it would no longer publish ESPN the Magazine in print. If you're familiar with the work of Wright Thompson, you'll mourn the loss. Thompson has written some of the most important pieces of contemporary sports journalism for the magazine, demonstrating unparalleled insight into the lives of the most compelling figures in sport. Thankfully, much of Thompson's best work is now collected in THE COST OF THESE DREAMS: Sports Stories and Other Serious Business (Penguin, paper, $18). Chrestomathies of this sort can feel like a grab bag, or a halfhearted attempt to make a second buck on old work. This volume elevates reporting and writing that was already operating above the rim. Thompson's intricate stories reward a second (and third) reading. And when they are read back to back, themes emerge that permit a view not just of the subject at hand - Urban Meyer, Michael Jordan, Tiger Woods - but of something larger: the price these men have paid for greatness. That's the "cost" in the book's title, and it's in evidence throughout its pages. Thompson follows Meyer, at the time the wildly successful Ohio State football coach, as he tries to square his relentless drive to win with a gnawing fear that he's sacrificing his health and his relationship with his family in the process. "This is the difficult calculus of Meyer's future, of any Type A extremist who longs for balance," Thompson writes. "They want the old results without paying the old costs, and while they'll feel guilty about not changing, they'll feel empty without the success. He wants peace and wins, which is a short walk from thinking they are the same." Jordan, too, seeks peace, having realized - mostly - that at 50, he's never returning to the basketball court. He is "dealing, finally, with the cost of his own competitive urges, asking himself difficult questions. To what must he say goodbye?" To the ghost of his former self, first and foremost. In this, Jordan has made some progress: The man Thompson observes is no longer the aggrieved Jordan of his notorious Hall of Fame induction speech, settling scores and threatening (another) comeback. But like Meyer, he can't merely switch off the will to win. On a trip to the Bahamas, Jordan sends a staffer to the hotel gift shop to buy word-search puzzles, then challenges his assistant and lawyer to complete them, defeating both. "1 can't help myself," he says. "You ask for this special power to achieve these heights, and now you got it and you want to give it back, but you can't. If 1 could, then 1 could breathe." A worthy companion to Thompson's rich magazine portraiture IS THE GREAT AMERICAN SPORTS PAGE: A Century of Classic Columns From Ring Lardner to Sally Jenkins (Library of America, $29.95), a compendium of a very different style of sportswriting. The editor, John Schulian, has collected a century's worth of newspaper columns, coverage punched out on deadline. To read the book is to be astonished, again and again, by the ingenuity and flair of the writers who thrived in this medium. Stories written in two hours for the next day's newspaper shouldn't hold up decades later, but the best work here is indelible, even when it describes the heroism of long-forgotten racehorses and prizefighters. All the greats are here - Damon Runyon, Red Smith, Bob Ryan, Jane Leavy - but Schulian also revives some lesser-known scribes, like the great stylist Wells Twombly. If there were a Hall of Fame for lede-writing, Twombly would be a first-ballot selection. His obit of Casey Stengel begins: "On casual inspection, the old man looked like a woodcarver's first attempt at a gargoyle. The face was crude and drooping, even when it was new. The eyes were watery and mournful, like a human basset hound. The ears were large and foolish. The hands were hopelessly gnarled. The legs looked like two Christmas stockings stuffed with oranges." The Old Perfesser, himself a sly stylist, surely would have loved that. In April, as the clock wound down on a Western Conference playoff game, Damian billard launched a 37-foot shot over the outstretched hands of Paul George. The shot found its mark, winning the contest, and the openinground series, for Lillard's Portland Trail Blazers. During a postgame interview, George was asked to offer his review of the remarkable heave. "That's a bad, bad shot," he said. "1 don't care what anybody says. That's a bad shot." ft was an uncharitable description of an exhilarating moment. Also, George was wrong, ft wasn't a bad shot - not for Damian billard. As the ESPN staff writer Kirk Goldsberry noted, Lillard made 39.2 percent of his attempts from 30 to 40 feet this past season. A cartographer by training, Goldsberry had a map to prove it. Goldsberry is the premier student of long-range shooting in the N.B.A., and now, with SPRAWLBALL: A Visual Tour of the New Era of the NBA (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, $25), its premier chronicler as well. Three-point shots may once have been a niche beat, but today N.B.A. teams are attempting them at unprecedented rates. And they're making them. In the first decade after the three-point line was introduced, in 1979, N.B.A. players connected on 23,871 threes. In the 2017-18 season alone, Goldsberry tells us, they made 25,807. In a way, it's surprising that the long-ball revolution didn't happen sooner. The three-point shot is, after all, worth 50 percent more than the two-point shot. But a perception had lingered that the drop-off in accuracy, as a player moves further from the hoop, made three-pointers a good bet only for old-school specialists like Craig Hodges or Steve Kerr. Next-generation statistics, however, have allowed teams to chart and analyze every make and miss over the course of an N.B.A. season. Distance from the rim, it turns out, has a fairly negligible effect on many of today's shooters. The likelihood that a player like Lillard will make a shot from 24 feet isn't significantly lower than the likelihood that he'll make one from 17 feet. The implication, Goldsberry writes, is clear: "With the exception of layups and dunks, two-point shots are simply dumb choices." Few basketball writers have done more to document the three-point revolution than Goldsberry. Just because he's charted the change doesn't mean he has to like it, though. While much of his book is descriptive - recounting in punchy prose and startling graphics the rise of long-range shooting - the book has a prescriptive element as well. As more teams embrace the three, the game threatens to become monotonous. In place of Kareem Abdul-Jabbar's elegant sky hook, we have the three ball. In place of Jordan's balletic fadeaways, we have the three ball. A future in which teams chuck ever more threes may seem inevitable, but as Goldsberry notes, the N.B.A. has historically been very willing to alter the rules to prevent any one style of play from achieving dominance. It twice widened the lane to limit the power of big men like George Mikan and Wilt Chamberlain. How might the league clip the wings of jump-shooters? Move the three-point line, for starters. The current line (23.75 feet along the arc, 22 feet in the corners) was first drawn, arbitrarily, in 1961 by Abe Saperstein, the man best remembered as the founder of the Harlem Globetrotters. (The gimmick was inspired by all the long balls Roger Maris was hitting that year.) Using today's spray charts, the N.B.A. could move the line back to a place where it would actually lead to a meaningful decrease in shot accuracy. In fact, Goldsberry's already done the math: The optimal three-point line should be 25.773 feet from the goal. That's his conservative idea, but there's a wackier, yet appealing, twist on it: Allow each team to set its home three-point line wherever it likes. "When you walk into Fenway Park for the first time, you are greeted by the famed Green Monster, the left-field wall that is one of the most iconic images in baseball," Goldsberry writes. "Now imagine the same thing in basketball." JOHN swansburg is a senior editor at The Atlantic.

Copyright (c) The New York Times Company [June 9, 2019]
Review by Booklist Review

Years before Muhammad Ali, Jackie Robinson, and Jessie Owens were household names, there was an Indiana-born Black athlete known throughout the world for his talent and speed as a professional bicycle racer: Marshall Major Taylor. The bicycle boom was ushered in during the Gilded Age, a period before cars when there were millions of bicycles in the U.S. and two-wheeled races (sprint and long-distance) captivated the nation. Taylor got his first bike at age 12 and went on to become a national and international champion near the end of the twentieth century, only to die penniless in Chicago at the age of 53. Washington Post reporter Kranish chronicles Taylor's astonishing life in this thoroughly researched biography, which is particularly strong in setting the story in its historical context, as the U.S. transitioned from the Reconstruction era to the rigid segregation of Jim Crow. Yes, Taylor became the world's fastest cyclist, but he did so while navigating relentless racism, choosing to use it as motivation to work hard, lead a moral life, and follow a disciplined training regimen. Both inspiring and heartbreaking, this is an essential contribution to sports history and an excellent companion to Todd Balf's equally strong Major (2008).--Brenda Barrera Copyright 2019 Booklist

From Booklist, Copyright (c) American Library Association. Used with permission.
Review by Publisher's Weekly Review

Political reporter Kranish (Trump Revealed) narrates the life of Marshall "Major" Taylor, an African-American man who became the world's greatest cyclist in what was one of the nation's most popular sports at the turn of the 20th century. Taylor (1878-1932) was raised in Indianapolis and hoped to become the greatest cyclist in America; he fought against racism from the start of his career as a teenager, writing letters to the League of American Wheelsmen after the organization proposed a ban on blacks from racing, and to the cyclist magazine Bearings ("I am a cyclist; further, I am a negro... I think it's high time for someone of my color to say a few words"). Kranish drew from past interviews with Taylor's friends and family members-as well as his 90-year-old daughter-who shared stories of life in Jim Crow America as well as recollections of Taylor's races (Taylor also meticulously kept clippings of every news item in which he was mentioned). Taylor competed throughout the world and, at the 1899 ICA Track Cycling Championship in Montreal, became the first African-American world champion of a sport-a decade before boxer Jack Johnson became a heavyweight boxing champion. Toward the end of his career, Taylor refused to enter competitions in a segregated U.S., turning his attention instead to Europe. Kranish provides a sharp-eyed account of a nearly forgotten African-American sports legend. Agent: David Black, David Black Agency. (May) © Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved.

(c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved
Review by Library Journal Review

Journalist Kranish (The World's Fastest Man) weaves the fascinating and interconnected history of the rise and demise of professional cycling with the life story of African American cycling hero Marshall Walter "Major" Taylor (1878-1932), who acquired his nickname "Major" by performing stunt tricks on his bike while in military uniform. Taylor began his racing career in Indianapolis and endured racism in the forms of verbal and physical assaults along with being barred from races. Despite these barriers, Taylor, still managed to amass seven world records by age 26. However, Kranish maintains, the rise of the automobile contributed to Taylor's retirement and the rapid decline of cycling's popularity. Ultimately, a series of poor financial investments left Taylor penniless at the time of his death. Kranish's work complements Taylor's own autobiography, along with Andrew Ritchie's Major Taylor, Todd Balf's Major, and Conrad Kerber and Terry Kerber's Major Taylor. VERDICT Kranish mixes sports and history, along with the realities of racism, in a valuable addition for all libraries with collections touching on those areas.-John N. Jax, Univ. of Wisconsin Lib., La Crosse © Copyright 2019. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.

(c) Copyright Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
Review by Kirkus Book Review

A vigorous biography of an African-American pioneer of professional cyclinga man all but forgotten today.Washington Post investigative political reporter Kranish (Flight from Monticello: Thomas Jefferson at War, 2010, etc.) switches gears here to go into the realm of sports history, albeit a history that is laden with political and racial burdens. His story centers on young racer Marshall "Major" Taylor (1878-1932), whose father had served in the Union Army during the Civil War but whose bicycle-racing debut, at Madison Square Garden, was marked by the house band scrambling to find the sheet music for "Dixie," "known as the unofficial anthem of the Confederacy." The "black meteor," as one paper called Taylor, earned every one of his medals and prizes through the ordinary hard work of athletics coupled with the racism of late-19th-century America, a time when Plessy v. Ferguson was reinforcing separation, "all but normalizing racism and undoing much of what had been achieved since slavery ended with the Civil War." Particularly intriguing in the narrative is not just Taylor, but also an entrepreneur and fellow racer who took him under his wing, a pioneer named Louis de Franklin Munger, who built and raced high-wheel bicycles, moved on to "safety bicycles" with equally sized wheels, and ended up building cars in New York City, selling to the likes of John Jacob Astor. Also of interest is the datum that Taylor predated the boxer Jack Johnson by a dozen yearsand that Johnson himself, inspired by Taylor, "dreamed of being a bicycling world champion" until an accident put him in the hospital and, as he put it, made him decide to "look for a less dangerous profession." The dangers would mount for Taylor in the age of Jim Crow, and his misfortunes in later life make for sobering reading.A welcome contribution to sports history, drawing attention to two extraordinary athletes for whom recognition is long overdue. Copyright Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

Copyright (c) Kirkus Reviews, used with permission.

The World's Fastest Man PROLOGUE Madison Square Garden, 1896 On the clear, brisk Saturday afternoon of December 5, 1896, an unusual pair of men strode to New York City's Madison Square Garden, where thousands would soon assemble for one of the era's greatest sporting events. The first man, Louis de Franklin Munger, was a lissome figure, with a hawkish gaze, a bristle-thick mustache, and close-cropped hair parted at the apex of his forehead. Munger had once been crowned the world's fastest man and now, at the age of thirty-three, his championship days behind him, he was still widely recognized by an admiring public. Everyone called him "Birdie," an appellation that evoked his love of speed and freedom. Now he had new ambitions. The second man, just eighteen years old, was described somewhat mysteriously in press accounts as Munger's "valet." He seemed at first glance a short, slight figure, but a close look revealed a compact body with remarkably muscular legs. As the pair approached Madison Avenue and 26th Street, the arena--the second of what would be several iterations of Madison Square Garden--came into view. The structure was one of the city's greatest architectural confections, designed by the legendary Stanford White, whose firm was responsible for many of the Gilded Age mansions that lined the most fashionable streets of Manhattan. The Garden's Moorish arches marched down the avenue; a succession of teardrop-shaped cupolas ringed a fifth-story roof garden. High above, an Italianate tower concealed a private apartment and climbed another three hundred feet into the sky. Atop it all, an Augustus Saint-Gaudens sculpture of Diana, a twelve-foot-tall unclothed gilded figure aiming a bow and arrow at the winds, proclaimed to all who could see her from miles around that this was the grandest public palace in America. Munger and his young friend arrived early, before most of the spectators would stream through the Garden's granite pillars and into the marbled, mosaic entryway. Inside, parquet boards had been laid to create a bicycle-racing oval. More than nine thousand people could be squeezed into the galleries around the track, with standing room for several thousand more. A sliding glass roof opened for ventilation. Within hours, the crowds gathered, and the Garden buzzed with excited murmurs. At eight p.m., a group of racers assembled on the oval and mounted their bicycles. The twenty-five-foot-wide track was sharply curved and steeply banked to a degree that some riders deemed too dangerous. Workmen had applied a coating to the track that failed to cure evenly, leaving it slippery. The crowd noise reached a low roar as the racers readied. One of those at the starting line stood out. It was the teenager who had been called Munger's "valet." * * * Munger had been a legendary figure at the dawn of cycling, winning world records on a high-wheeler, which typically featured a large, solid wheel in the front and a small one in back. As his career faded in the early 1890s, a new type of bicycle had become wildly popular, with two equal-sized wheels and air-filled tubes. Munger had also raced the early, heavy versions of those models, and he now was in a contest to build the world's lightest, fastest "safety" cycles, as the new bikes were called. Indeed, Munger had appeared in this arena earlier in the year touting his bicycles as the world's best. Tens of thousands of New Yorkers viewed the wares of hundreds of exhibiters, marveling at the latest racing cycle, or a $5,000 showpiece festooned with diamonds, or an Army-designed model bristling with weaponry. The age of the automobile was more than a decade away. This was the time of the "silent steed," ballyhooed as a replacement for the horse. One of every three patents in the 1890s was related to bicycle manufacture, and more than one million new bikes were expected to be sold in this boom year of 1896. The country had 30,000 bicycle shops and 250 bicycle factories. The main sports of the day were baseball, boxing, and bicycle racing--and cycling was by far the most popular. Now, as the great annual race began at Madison Square Garden, the crowd focused on Munger's companion standing on the starting line with a lightweight, state-of-the-art bicycle. The protégé was unlike any racer the spectators had seen before at Madison Square Garden. He was a black man. Not just black, the press reported, but "ebony," "a veritable black diamond," "the black meteor." Those were the kind descriptions. He was housed and sponsored by the South Brooklyn Wheelmen, which called him the "dark secret of Gowanus," a reference to the Brooklyn neighborhood of brick industrial buildings where he began his training routes with the club's riders. The crowd buzzed as they realized they were about to witness a race of white versus black. At stake was much more than a bicycling victory; there was also the prevalent notion among whites that their race was superior. On one side of this contest was a clutch of the world's most experienced racers, all of them white. On the other was the little-known eighteen-year-old who had come to this unlikely moment under Birdie's wing. His name was Marshall Taylor, known as "Major." The son of a soldier who had fought for the Union in the Civil War, Taylor had raced in amateur competitions but nothing like the vaunted venue of Madison Square Garden. This would be Taylor's professional racing debut. Logic might have dictated such a start should take place out of the spotlight, but Munger had suggested Taylor's professional career would begin at the top on this great stage. There was a band on hand, as usual, and the members looked through their sheaves of music for "Dixie," known as the unofficial anthem of the Confederacy. * * * How remarkable that Major Taylor was there at all. Six months earlier, in May 1896, the US Supreme Court had decided Plessy v. Ferguson, the case of Homer Plessy of Louisiana, who was determined to be seven-eighths Caucasian and one-eighth African, and had sought to ride in the first-class compartment of the East Louisiana Railroad. When he refused a detective's request to move to a blacks-only car, he was arrested for violating the 1890 Separate Car Act, which mandated that blacks and whites ride separately. The Supreme Court upheld the action on grounds that the cars were separate but equal. The ruling effectively accelerated the already heinous racism of the post-Civil War era, institutionalizing Jim Crow laws for decades to come. Only one justice, John Marshall Harlan, dissented, saying "It cannot be justified upon any legal grounds." One month after Plessy and five months before Taylor arrived at Madison Square Garden, William Jennings Bryan stood in the same arena and accepted the Democratic presidential nomination, saying, "We believe, as asserted in the Declaration of Independence, that all men are created equal." Bryan, who nonetheless supported some segregationist policies to woo Southern voters, lost to William McKinley, a former Union officer who would do little to stop the growth of the Jim Crow era. If the world of sports had its own great dissenter amid this climate of racism, however, it was Munger. He bet his reputation that Taylor could, while riding a Munger-built bicycle, disprove those who believed that blacks were inferior and deserved segregation. Thus the symbolism represented by the starting line was extraordinary. A black man would compete with whites at Madison Square Garden, and may the best racer win. * * * Taylor wore skintight, woolen racing shorts and a shirt as he pushed his bike to the starting line. He was a son of two worlds: raised first by his poor family of black farmers, then taken in and tutored by a wealthy white family. He was better educated than most of his competitors, despite the insults hurled against him. He aimed to beat them not just with speed, but with knowledge, tactics, and cunning. The curtain raiser was a series of half-mile races, each five laps around the track. In every heat, the improperly treated surface caused racers to fall or go flying over the handlebars, but they would reappear in the next heat, "legs and arms swathed up in bandages." The crowd cheered wildly as the racers who remained on their wheels dodged their fallen competitors. Taylor made his debut in the third heat. Riding a bicycle made by Munger, he bolted from the starting line and gained ground with every lap. He won easily to qualify for the final heat, pitting him against several of the world's fastest riders. A starter's pistol fired. Taylor's powerful legs turned the pedals. Quickly, he put ten yards between him and his closest competitor. "Round and round the track whirled the colored rider, pedaling away like a steam engine," wrote the Brooklyn Eagle's correspondent. Taylor swiveled his head to see a racer named Eddie "Cannon" Bald--considered one of the world's fastest sprinters--closing in. Bald was "straining every nerve" to catch Taylor. The crowd surged from their seats to see if Taylor could hold on to his narrowing lead. * * * In time, the rivalry between Bald and Taylor would be billed by a promoter as the white "Adonis" versus the "great Negro." Bald would swear that he never wanted to "let a nigger beat" him, while Taylor saw Bald as the embodiment of the racism against him. Their rivalry would serve as a microcosm of the greater social history of the time, and come to an extraordinary conclusion for both men. Taylor's epic journey began twelve years before Jack Johnson, a black man, became heavyweight champion, and fifty years before Jackie Robinson broke the color barrier in Major League Baseball. Yet here he was in 1896, wheel to wheel against white racers. His life would be one of the most singular of his era, a black man who took on Jim Crow, who crested at the height of the Gilded Age that was dominated by elite whites. His name eventually faded, but his story is far larger than one of sports. It is a story of one man's perseverance against relentless waves of prejudice, and of the enduring friendship of two men, one black and the other white, who joined together to push history forward. Taylor said from the beginning that Munger was pushing not only for the fastest time on the racetrack but also for the larger principle of equality, which victory would help make possible. So, Munger said of Taylor, "I am going to make him the fastest bicycle rider in the world." And that, improbably, is what was about to happen. Excerpted from The World's Fastest Man: The Extraordinary Life of Cyclist Major Taylor, America's First Black Sports Hero by Michael Kranish All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.